Phoenix Nine Palaces: "To be or not to be?"

Phoenix City Nine Palaces: "To be or not to be?" Since the Revolution of 1911, China's various political forces and so-called political elites mostly run one-party private parties...

Phoenix City Nine Palaces: "To be or not?" In the 100 years since the Revolution of 1911, China's various political forces and so-called political elites are mostly politicians and hangers-on who pursue the selfish interests of one party. This is true for the Republic of China, and it is true for the Republic as well. Without changing the soup and never changing the medicine, what has been staged in the century-old Republic is a drama - a struggle for power. The latest in this drama is >. The most stylish new actors are Bo, Gu, Gua and Wang. Foreign man Blackwood guest stars as a ghost. Watching the play from across the bank, I suddenly remembered Shakespeare's ">". Both plays are about power, conspiracy and sex, and both are full of terror. The difference is that Shakespeare's tragedy is a work of art that captures the "tragic complex" on the stage; while > is a real scene of a living person on the Chinese stage. The Chinese audience, as well as the real and fake foreign devils like us who are paying attention to current affairs in China, watched with "eyeballs falling on jade plates and chins falling on chests." On the Chinese stage, there are always self-proclaimed masters who guide the people to cheer and express their opinions on behalf of the people. When the play reaches a point where it can gradually justify itself, the curtain falls sharply. The calm after the climax makes people feel indifferent. At that time, the prelude to the next scene had already arrived. China's century-old modern history is like this cycle. China's political climate is unstable, the methods of political struggle are insidious, and the soil for democratic politics is barren. change? Restructure? This not only requires working capital, but also requires huge costs. As a result, the banner of "stability" flew loudly across the land of China. Anyone with a discerning eye knows that this is under the guise of national peace and security, and the private calculation is to safeguard the authority's power and vested interests. China missed a great opportunity to advance its democratization process in the late 1980s and early 1990s. At that time, economic reform had not yet been fully rolled out, the old economic system was in obvious decline, and new interest groups were still in their infancy. The residual power of Deng Xiaoping’s strongman politics still exists. In this period of social transformation, if Deng Xiaoping had the courage and foresight of Chiang Ching-kuo to lift party bans and newspaper bans in Taiwan, and partially open up press freedom and grassroots elections on the mainland, China's political situation would be a different story now. Today, interest groups control key sectors in China. If the elites embrace it, they should sit back and enjoy the benefits and become rentiers. Look at the vases of the democratic parties. They all have successful careers and are "heroes" who understand current affairs. So they became the chairman of the Chinese Democratic League, the chairman of the China Democratic National Construction Association, the chairman of the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, the chairman of the Peasants and Workers Democratic Party, etc., and all of them were vice-chairmen of the National People's Congress and national leaders. The deputy positions of these organizations are also at the ministerial level, and the provincial, prefecture and county levels can be deduced by analogy. Those who were ignorant, such as Fang Lizhi and Liu Binyan, were all caught in one fell swoop. The carrot and the stick are two very powerful tools for revolution. Most of China's elites, who were originally small and weak, were bribed, and a small number were killed. In this way, the elite's voice in advocating for press freedom and grassroots elections is weak, and their space for maneuver is almost zero. If the east is not bright, the west will be bright; if it is dark, the south will be bright, and the north will be. If the elite revolution is not good, it depends on the common people. The democratic election in Wukan Village, Donghai Town, Lufeng City, Guangdong Province suddenly made people's eyes brighter. Carrying out democratic practice starting from the village committee is the first step in the long march. Don’t be afraid of being slow, be afraid of standing still! What’s interesting now is how tolerant the authorities are. Just like playing basketball, the space for each player holding the ball is created by moving forward and backward, rather than being given by others. Whether it is elite politics or grassroots democracy; whether it is the Cultural Revolution that killed foreigners, or 2012 when people "jumped abroad to save their lives"; no matter how greedy the interest groups are or how helpless the poor are; none of these will pose a substantial threat to China's survival and maintenance. "To be or not to be?" This is a big question, but it is not China's problem. April 20, 2012